Roundup: Reaction to Russia’s further invasion of Ukraine

Russian forces have been advancing in Ukraine, but not without opposition. Shelling continues against several Ukrainian cities and into Kyiv itself, as people are taking shelter in the metro. Closer to home, prime minister Justin Trudeau announced another round of tougher sanctions against Russian oligarchs and other key leaders, and there is talk that yet more sanctions are on the way, but it also sounds like there is some difficulty in getting all of our allies on-side, and the thing about these kinds of sanctions is that everyone needs to do them so that there aren’t loopholes that Russia can slip through. (Trudeau also announced measures to help Canadians in Ukraine get safe passage to neighbouring countries, as well as expeditated immigration processing for Ukrainians).

But one of the biggest measures—cutting Russia out of the SWIFT global financial transaction system—has not yet been implemented because Europeans are balking (though Canada has reportedly been pushing for this, along with the UK). Canada is somewhat fortunate because we are less exposed to Russian trade and money than other allies, but it’s that exposure which will make sanctions harder on Western allies the tougher they are on Russia—and that’s something that a lot of the talking heads can’t seem to get their heads around. If you look at what European countries are trying to get carve-outs for, it’s because they don’t want to lose the Russian money in their economies. And that’s a tough pill to swallow, especially as all of our economies are still recovering from the pandemic recession.

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Where this will hurt us especially is higher world oil prices, as cutting Russia out of the market will further restrict supply at a time where energy shortages in certain countries have turned to oil to fill that gap, creating demand and limiting supply. That will mean higher gasoline prices in Canada, and while these higher prices will be good for the Alberta economy (oh, look—one more boom for them to piss away), it’s going to be felt in the inflation data, which will have more people lighting their hair on fire, demanding Something Must Be Done, but they won’t come out and spell out that they mean wage and price controls, or a new NEP. Jason Kenney, unable to read the room, is trying to make this about a new pitch for Alberta’s so-called Ethical Oil™, and we have federal Conservatives demanding a fast-tracked LNG infrastructure to export to Europe, but seriously, that’s a multi-year and multi-billion-dollar investment that is going to be short-lived the fast were decarbonise our economies.

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Roundup: Emergency orders lifted before the Senate votes were cast

By late afternoon, yesterday, prime minister Justin Trudeau ended the emergency orders, at a time when the Senate had not yet voted to confirm them. This, of course, led to numerous cries from opponents that they had helped to end it (declaring victory for pushing on an open door), and accusations that Trudeau knew he would lose the Senate vote so pulled the plug beforehand. And then there were the questions about what changed between Monday and yesterday that made it okay to lift the restrictions, of which the official line is “advice from law enforcement,” but one also suspects was that they might have felt it inappropriate to lift it before it had even been brought to a vote, but conversely didn’t want to keep the orders for too much longer after that. I’m not sure. Suffice to say, it’s over, and all of the cries of “tyranny!” and “Trudeau is doing this to increase his own power!” seem pretty stupid right about now.

Speaking of the Senate, they were progressing through a second full day of speeches with no end—or vote—in sight, when the order was lifted and they simply adjourned debate. This is something of an indictment on how the Senate handled this matter in terms of their schedule. They should have recalled the Chamber as soon as the Act was invoked and the emergency orders declared, so that they could receive them on the same day as the House of Commons and debate them concurrently, as it’s not a piece of legislation that has to pass one Chamber before the other, but they didn’t, and their planned Friday recall was cancelled by the police action, further delaying the debate. And then some of the same problems that the House of Commons saw presented themselves in the Senate as well—that absolutely everyone wanted to have their own speech on the record, no matter that having something new to say diminished with each passing speech, but this is what the “new” Senate is becoming—a debating society rather than a deliberative legislative body. And while sure, there were some good speeches, there were also some doozies that repeated the same falsehoods and info ops that the occupation organizers were counting on, so well done everyone.

Meanwhile, Matt Gurney calls for more information as to what constituted the continued use of powers in advance of their being lifted. Andrew Coyne puts the nine days of the emergency orders into perspective versus how it has been portrayed by bad faith actors across social media and certain political parties.

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Roundup: Senate debate continues on emergency orders

The Senate spent the day debating the emergency orders, but did not reach a vote by end of day. (This doesn’t really meet the Act’s requirement that the order be debated “without interruption” either, much as the House of Commons’ Speaker made a bad ruling around statutory interpretation). We heard many of the same concerns from Conservative senators as from their Commons counterparts, and a lot of questions as to why the orders are still needed if the occupation in Ottawa and the border blockades are over, plus questions about the special committee of MPs and senators that the statute demands, and the fact that while they are probably going to be sworn to secrecy, it won’t have them sworn in like they would be for NSICOP, so they likely won’t get particularly sensitive intelligence. That committee was still being negotiated between the party leaders in the Commons and Senate caucus leaders last I heard, but is likely waiting for the Senate to confirm the emergency orders, before it can be established, and at this pace, the orders may be lifted by the time we get there. It is worth noting that the Government Leader in the Senate, Senator Marc Gold, spent some five hours answering questions from other senators, like he should be in this kind of a situation. It’s just too bad he’s not a member of Cabinet like he should be, because this is the kind of situation where that really matters.

Elsewhere, the Commons’ Finance committee heard from department officials about the freezing of the bank accounts of occupation organizers and some of its participants. It was reiterated once again that they did not have donor lists, the RCMP did not turn any over to banks, and that with the occupation ended, the RCMP was working with the banks to “unfreeze” those accounts, given that the whole point was to make it uncomfortable or difficult for them to remain. So what of the fictional “Briane” and other supposedly small-time donors for whom it is claimed that they had their accounts frozen? That it’s “very unlikely” they would be, given the data the banks are working with. Not that this has stopped the continued insistence that accounts are being seized (untrue) or frozen retroactively (also not true), not only from Conservative MPs, but also some talking heads and columnists acting credulously echoing these made-up allegations, because they are sold on the narrative that Trudeau wants to punish dissenters.

In the meantime, Rideau Hall to go to the extraordinary step of putting out a release to tell people to quit contacting them because they don’t have anything to do with a declaration of non-confidence in the government, despite what a disinformation meme going around social media claims as it encourages people to call them and demand a non-confidence vote. (Seriously, guys—only MPs can vote non-confidence). And to add to that, DND was flooded with calls demanding military protection to the occupiers from police, under the lunatic notion that they were part of some covert United Nations invasion force—because remember, this occupation was packed to the gills with conspiracy theorists. And going around social media were claims that the Sûreté du Québec officers (the provincial police force) were “proof” of New World Order forces because they had different uniforms and “didn’t speak English.” These occupiers are so credulous about such absolute nonsense, but refuse to believe in science, vaccines, civics, or democracy. It’s enough to make one despair about where we are headed as a society, especially as we have a political party that is desperate to earn their favour.

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Roundup: Occupation over, emergency orders confirmed

The occupation of Ottawa’s downtown core by far-right extremists, grifters, and conspiracy theorists is at an end. The police action kept up all day Saturday, and by Sunday, they were into mop-up operations. In total, there were 191 arrests, some 400 charges, and 79 vehicles towed, but it will still be some time before barricades start coming down in downtown Ottawa, because they want to ensure that the same group don’t move right back in once the barricades come down. And indeed, while the occupation may be ended, the emergency measures will likely stick around a little longer in order to prevent a resurgence or similar attempts in other locations, particularly given that many of the participants are lying in wait just outside of the city in makeshift encampments on private property. Trudeau said the emergency orders will likely be lifted in a few days, but they’re awaiting advice from law enforcement.

In the meantime, the debate on the emergency measures carried on through the weekend and into Monday, and while I have a column coming out later today on just how bad it was, there is special mention to Conservative MP Mark Strahl for fabricating a constituent named “Briane” who apparently had her accounts frozen for donating to the occupation before it was illegal. Andrew Scheer went ballistic about how this kind of retroactive application of the orders was unconscionable, erm, except that it didn’t happen because Briane doesn’t exist, and if she does, then it’s someone catfishing Strahl, who is too gullible to check into a clearly bogus tale. To date, 76 accounts have been frozen, either from organisers of the occupations, or those who owned trucks on the streets. That’s it. But the Conservatives are trying to push a narrative that Trudeau is authoritarian and punishing dissent, even though none of this actually bears out in the facts or the political reality of someone in a hung parliament. They’re just so cartoonishly bad and transparent in their lies that it’s hard to actually believe they are that inept. And yet they’ll get away with it, because there are credulous media outlets taking it at face value, and even more that are both-sidesing, and trying to get confirmation no matter that the falsehood is obvious on the face of it.

The vote itself was not particularly close, given that the NDP had already signalled that they would support the motion, though that didn’t stop the Conservatives from trying to deride them for supposedly turning their backs on how Tommy Douglas voted against the War Measures Act, even though the Emergencies Act is not the same thing and does not suspend civil liberties. There was later some consternation that Trudeau indicated that this would essentially be a confidence vote, which frankly it should be. If you don’t think the government can handle emergency powers, that’s a pretty solid indication you don’t think they should be in power. After the vote, Candice Bergen was already read with procedural mischief to use the portion of the Act that can call for a motion to lift the orders with the support of 20 MPs, so that will go ahead once the sitting resumes in a week. The Senate still has to vote on the emergency order motion, probably later today, so the government is not in the clear just yet.

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QP: Final arguments before the emergency measures vote

I was initially unsure that there would be a Question Period today, given the solid 18-hour “debates” that took place over the weekend, but lo, there it was on the calendar, and all of the leaders were in place for it, with Deputy Speaker Chris d’Entremeont in the big chair. Candice Bergen led off, script in front of her, and she cited experts that said that the government had all of the tools it needed to clear the occupation without the Emergencies Act, and demanded to know the criteria to end the orders. Trudeau read that the measures supplemented local police, and that they would lift the measures as soon was feasible. Bergen demanded to know what particular powers were needed, and Trudeau listed a number of issues that he said proved provinces and municipalities needed the measures. Bergen demanded an apology from Trudeau for calling the extremists who organised the occupation racists, misogynists and of holding “unacceptable views,” and Trudeau declined, saying people can disagree with the government and that their Charter rights are protected. Luc Berthold took over in French, and quoted Nathaniel Erskine-Smith’s reluctance on the measures and worried the prime minister would make it a confidence measure. Trudeau repeated his list of events to justify the orders. Berthold then raised the issue of Joël Lightbound before repeating the demand for an apology in French, and Trudeau repeated his talking points about Canadians speaking together. 

Yves-François Blanchet rose for the Bloc, and demanded the emergency orders be lifted now that the occupation was over, but Trudeau replied that they were still in a precarious situation as they needed to remain vigilant from efforts to re-establish blockades. Blanchet demanded to know one place in the country that still needed the measures, and Trudeau said that once the orders were lifted, they would look at how to better empower police to prevent future actions.

Jagmeet Singh appeared by video and lamented the impact of the occupations and blockades on workers, and noted the support for small businesses but wanted supports for workers. Trudeau praised their efforts over the past two years, and said they were moving forward with “measures to support them.” Singh repeated the question in French, and Trudeau repeated his response. 

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Roundup: Police action underway, and the occupation thins

On day twenty-two of the Grifter Occupation, the police closed their net. With all of the access routes to downtown Ottawa cut off with over 100 checkpoints, no grievance tourists were getting in for the weekend. Then, starting at Nicholas street, the combined police forces started pushing west, gaining ground on the occupiers, arresting over 100 occupiers and towing over 21 vehicles (though I’m not quite sure what the total was by the end of the day). The advance had been halted near the Chateau Laurier for most of the evening, but police have said that this would be going twenty-four hours a day, and while they can rotate in shifts, the occupiers can’t really, so we’ll see how far they have advanced in the morning when this goes live. Once the action started happening, other trucks that had been parked along Wellington started to get the message that this is real, that their organizers have all been arrested or fled the scene, and that their best bet is to leave while they still can. And so, a number of them did do just that—being stopped by the police on the way out to be given a ticket, but then sent on their way. But the hard-core elements are still there, and there were parents who put their children in the way of police as human shields yesterday, which is a Problem.

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To add to that, disinformation was going around, spread by certain less than scrupulous media figures in this country and picked up and amplified by Fox News personalities, claiming that a woman was trampled to death by a police horse (untrue, though occupiers did throw a bicycle at one horse to try to trip it up). Even more egregious were the declarations among right-wing media that this was somehow Canada’s Tiananmen Square, which is utterly boggling. Police haven’t even approached the level of violence if this were a homeless encampment in a park. They have been exceedingly careful with this whole affair (sparking yet more discussion of double standards and white supremacy), but it the fact that they are trying to make this comparison, and that Stockwell Day of all people was screaming this over Twitter, is just unbelievable, but considering that these people seem to think that Justin Trudeau is worse than Hitler (no, seriously), you see how completely unhinged their world view is.

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And then there were the Conservatives, who were tweeting up a storm today to disapprove of what has taken place, expressing their “sadness” at the police action taking place, decrying the use of emergency powers, and blaming the prime minister for not meeting these extremists or capitulating to their demands. More to the point, they are trying to foist this narrative that Trudeau is being “divisive” (along with “stigmatized and traumatized Canadians”) because he *gasp!* clocked these extremists for who they were and called them out. You call out extremists—you don’t coddle them or offer them succour. But the Conservatives are so willing to go to bat for these kinds of people in the hopes that they will get something out of it in the end, which they never will. Once the Overton window has been shifted, the extremists still won’t vote for the Conservatives, and the terms of debate will be worse than when they started. They just refuse to see this happening all around them. What’s worse are the right-leaning white male columnists who are also going to bat for these people, and buying into the “Trudeau is being divisive” narrative, no matter how it’s nothing more than bullshit.

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Roundup: Arrests begun as overwrought debate underway

Debate on the emergency orders began yesterday with all of the leaders staking out their positions. And I will note that there is a legitimate argument from the Conservatives that the Emergencies Act shouldn’t have been invoked—but then they take argument that Trudeau didn’t do enough beforehand to deal with the situation, never mind that the Ottawa Police are the police of jurisdiction, that Doug Ford did virtually nothing to help never mind that this was well within his jurisdictional purview, and of course, they argue that Trudeau caused this by being mean to the extremists who organised this whole thing, and that he hasn’t capitulated to their demands. And thus, a good point is lost in the fog of utterly dishonest partisan posturing. It should also be noted that civil liberties groups are going to court to oppose the Act’s imposition, but their otherwise valid points are divorced from the reality that this is not a peaceful or legal protest—it’s an event organized by anti-government extremists. This is not a good faith protest, it’s an illegal occupation, and that colours events.

With this in mind, the House of Commons will be sitting all weekend in order to debate the emergency order the fact that they will be sitting almost entirely around the clock over the long weekend means that they have speaking slots for virtually every single MP, which is egregious and overkill. If anything, it’s the height of parliamentary narcissism. Yes, this is an unprecedented action, but you do not need every single MP to stand up and read a prepared speech that parrots the talking points that their party leader has decided upon. That’s not debate, it’s not edifying, and it’s just an exercise in providing clips for MPs’ websites and social media channels. It defeats the purpose of what Parliament is about, and debases the point of debate (not to mention that everyone is already burned out from the past three weeks of insanity and this robs the employees, staffers and most especially the interpreters of the long weekend that they all needed). If they haven’t made up their minds on the imposition of the emergency orders by end of day tomorrow, then maybe public life isn’t for them.

Update: Sittings in both Chambers were cancelled due to the ongoing police action, so we’ll see when they resume. The point stands, however.

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QP: Debating the need for the Emergencies Act

While the party leaders had all been in the Chamber for debate on the Emergencies Act, only one of them was still there by the time QP got underway. Luc Berthold led off in French, and he asserted that the PM had not paid out the case to invoke the Act and accused him of invoking it simply to save his personal political fortunes, to which Chrystia Freeland raised the economic damage of blockades like in Windsor. Berthold accused her of not updating her talking points, and then asserted there was no case to worry about foreign funding. Freeland stated that business leaders support the necessary action the government has taken because of the blockades and quoted Goldy Hyder’s support. Berthold repeated that there were no longer blockades at the border, and wondered why the prime minster’s mind changed over the weekend around invoking the Act. Freeland insisted that the government would always do what was needed to defend workers and the national interest, and raised their work in the New NAFTA negotiations to compare to the current situation. Kerry-Lynne Findlay took over in English and quoted the deputy director of FINTRAC saying there were no spike in suspicious actions, and Freeland retorted that she spoke to the head of FINTRAC and that they didn’t have the tools necessary to track the new world like crypto, which is why the new measures brought in gave them new authorities. Findlay then tried to catch out the prime minister in a contradiction about the geographically-limited nature of the invocation versus it being available nationally, and Freeland worried that the Conservatives were no longer a party that was concerned with the best interests of the country, then quoted her meeting with Perrin Beatty.

Alain Therrien rose for the Bloc, and listed things the government didn’t need to invoke the Emergencies Act for, and stated that it was simply a lack of leadership. Freeland business leaders in Quebec supported the government. Therrien claimed the federal government had been in “hiding” over the occupation outside—a blatant falsehood—and Freeland said they were taking responsibility for democracy and to protect the national interest.

Jagmeet Singh rose for the NDP, and he wanted a plan to get out of the pandemic with a commitment to better fund healthcare, for which Freeland stated that they were moving past the Canadians thanks to the 90 percent of Canadians who were vaccinated, and praised our outcomes in mortality rates over the course of the pandemic as compared to other countries. Singh switched to in French to call on the government to improve people’s lives, and Freeland assured him that they were doing so.

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Roundup: Complacency versus the hard work of democracy

Things are fraught in Ottawa, tempers are short. A lot of stuff that has been barely under the surface is blowing up. David Reevely has some thoughts about where we find ourselves, and why, and he’s pretty dead-on about it.

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QP: A raucous disagreement on the Emergencies Act

All leaders were present for what promised to be a fraught Question Period, where the prime minister would be responding to all questions. Candice Bergen led off, and wondered just what was the threat to Canadians that required the Emergencies Act, citing the test in the legislation. Justin Trudeau trotted out his line that using the Act is a serious issue, and that the test was met so they are giving police new tools. Bergen insisted that the situations were already de-escalating on their own, and that this was just about saving his political skin. Bergen repeated the allegation, insisted that Trudeau was name-calling, stigmatising and “traumatising” Canadians, and Trudeau said that by first insisting the opposition wanted to try and have it both ways. Bergen raised Blackface, Omar Khadr and a few other non sequiturs and then decried a “mental health” crisis before demanding all mandates be ended, and Trudeau accused the Conservatives of playing personal, partisan games.

Speaker Rota had enough of the noise, and turned the speaking list upside down and called on Mike Morrice, who asked about committing to mental health, and Trudeau praised their plans for a dedicated mental health transfer to the provinces and bragged the government’s Wellness Together app.

Rota returned to Bergen, who raised domestic assault stats to decry mandates, before she demanded capitulation to the occupiers’ demands, and Trudeau trotted out his worn lines about having Canadians’ backs.

For the Bloc, Yves-François Blanchet decried the application of the Emergencies Act in Quebec, and Trudeau reminded him that the Bloc were demanding action, while the application is limited and proportional, and a province who doesn’t need it doesn’t have to access it’s powers. Blanchet railed about the sensitivities of Quebeckers to the War Measures Act in its new form, and Trudeau listed federal tools that helped Quebec in the pandemic.

Jagmeet Singh rose for the NDP, and he decried how Black and Indigenous protesters were treated as compared to this occupation, and Trudeau admitted that they acknowledge systemic racism and they are committing to make changes. Singh switched to a French to demand the Emergencies Act not be applied in jurisdictions it is not wanted—a sop to Quebec—and Trudeau repeated that if the province doesn’t want the tools, they don’t need to use them.

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